By Towhidul Islam | Investigative Correspondent | Geo Dhaka
In the early hours of July 1, 2024, few in Bangladesh imagined the scale of bloodshed and political upheaval that would unfold over the coming weeks. What began as a student-led demonstration over civil service quota reforms rapidly escalated into a full-scale nationwide revolt—now remembered as the July Revolution. A year later, a damning report by the United Nations Human Rights Office (OHCHR) confirms what survivors, victims’ families, and civil society organizations have long claimed: the government’s response was not only violent but systematic, coordinated, and possibly criminal under international law.
The 105-page UN report, published on February 12, 2025, follows months of forensic investigations, hundreds of interviews, and access to hospitals, detention facilities, and official records. The report offers the clearest picture yet of what transpired during those five explosive weeks in Bangladesh. It details extensive human rights violations, including extrajudicial killings, torture, enforced disappearances, sexual violence, media suppression, and the deliberate targeting of civilians by state security forces and affiliated political groups. The OHCHR now states that these acts may amount to crimes against humanity under the Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court (ICC).
According to the report, over 1,400 people were killed during the protests, with more than 11,700 arrested and thousands injured. However, independent researchers and civil society watchdogs place the numbers even higher, estimating more than 1,580 dead and at least 20,000 wounded. These casualties were not incidental. The report emphasizes that most of the deceased were shot in the chest, neck, or head, often from close range. Eyewitness accounts and autopsy records confirmed that many victims were fleeing when they were shot from behind. Survivors described troops firing directly into crowds, entering university dormitories, and dragging students out before beating them unconscious.
The movement was sparked by the reinstatement of job quotas for descendants of war veterans, a policy widely seen as benefiting those aligned with the ruling Awami League. Student organizations began peaceful sit-ins at the University of Dhaka and Jahangirnagar University. By July 3, thousands had joined, and the protests spread to all major cities. What followed was a violent state crackdown. On July 5, government forces used live ammunition in Shahbagh and TSC. On July 7, in Rangpur, armored personnel carriers were deployed for crowd control. The number of dead and wounded began to rise dramatically.
A timeline of casualties provided in the report shows a terrifying trend. Deaths rose from a dozen on July 1 to over 1,000 by August 5. Injuries followed a similar pattern. The graph included in the OHCHR report—based on health ministry data and third-party hospital records—shows a steep curve, reflecting both the frequency and intensity of the government’s response.
The violence was not limited to public demonstrations. The report describes the use of secret detention facilities where hundreds were tortured. These included underground rooms within intelligence agency compounds and abandoned warehouses used by the Rapid Action Battalion (RAB). Witnesses recounted beatings, waterboarding, electric shocks, and mock executions. Many detainees were held without charges, and some were never seen again.
Of the estimated 11,700 people arrested, only a fraction were formally processed through the legal system. At least 200 individuals remain missing, suspected victims of enforced disappearance. Some families were told their loved ones had died during protests. Others received anonymous phone calls instructing them not to inquire further.
Particularly harrowing were the findings related to gender-based violence. The UN documented dozens of cases of sexual assault, threats of rape, and forced disrobing of female detainees. Women arrested in protest zones reported being groped, photographed, and verbally degraded. In some cases, officers used the threat of sexual violence as a form of psychological torture. The report concluded that sexual violence was used “deliberately, systematically, and with the intent to terrorize female protesters and their families.”
Media repression was another key component of the government’s response. The report details a coordinated effort to silence critical voices. Over 70 websites and blogs were blocked, and prominent news outlets like Prothom Alo, DBC News, and New Age faced harassment, police raids, and forced temporary shutdowns. Journalists were beaten, cameras were seized, and at least 51 reporters were detained. Internet access was suspended in protest-heavy districts, cutting off communication and limiting the global visibility of the crisis.
The report also reveals the use of military helicopters during protest operations—some allegedly marked with UN insignia. The Ministry of Defence later claimed these helicopters were rented from a third party, though the report questions the legality and intention of using such markings during domestic crackdowns.
The events reached a turning point on July 19, when 11 protesters were killed in a single day during a clash at Rampura in Dhaka. Videos of the incident went viral, including footage of protesters being shot at point-blank range. The deaths of student leaders like Abu Sayed in Rangpur and Tamanna Nasrin in Khulna intensified public outrage and galvanized more demonstrators to join the uprising.
By August 1, parts of Dhaka, Chattogram, and Barisal had become ungovernable. Security forces began to retreat in certain zones. On August 5, Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina fled to Dubai, and the military, under pressure from international and domestic sources, declared support for an interim caretaker government. The interim leadership, installed under the emergency provision of the Constitution, promised transparency, justice, and a full investigation into the crackdown.
Legal consequences soon followed. On July 2, 2025, Bangladesh’s International Crimes Tribunal indicted Sheikh Hasina and 31 other former officials for crimes against humanity, including murder, torture, enforced disappearance, and persecution of political opponents. The indictment cited evidence gathered by the UN, civil society groups, and whistleblowers. Sheikh Hasina has denied all charges, calling the tribunal politically motivated, and remains in self-imposed exile. The Bangladesh Supreme Court has upheld the charges and begun proceedings in absentia.
The international community responded swiftly. The European Union, Canada, and several UN member states have called for an ICC referral. Sanctions were placed on several former cabinet members, and an international monitoring group has been assigned to observe the upcoming general elections in December 2025. Human rights organizations, including Amnesty International and Human Rights Watch, have urged the government to expand witness protection programs and preserve documentation for future trials.
Domestically, the revolution has transformed Bangladesh’s political landscape. Survivors and youth leaders have formed a new political coalition, the National Citizens’ Party, which is now contesting seats in the next election. The Digital Security Act has been repealed. RAB is being disbanded. The government has pledged to reform the police and judiciary, initiate reparations for victims, and build a truth and reconciliation commission modeled on South Africa’s post-apartheid model.
Even as some justice begins to take shape, the scars remain. Memorials now dot university campuses where students died. Families of the missing still wait for answers. Some carry photographs of sons and daughters last seen being dragged into black vans. Others visit graves marked with numbers instead of names.
The July Revolution changed Bangladesh forever. It shattered the illusion of stability under authoritarianism and reminded the world of the price ordinary people are willing to pay for dignity and justice. The UN’s investigation was not only a condemnation of a regime but a call to action for every institution that failed to protect the innocent.
As the report itself concludes: “What took place in Bangladesh in July and August 2024 was not a breakdown of law and order—it was the systematic weaponization of state power against a democratic uprising. Accountability is not optional. It is a moral and legal obligation.”
The revolution’s legacy will depend not only on trials and reforms but on the ability of Bangladesh to remember, to reckon, and to rebuild. The truth is now out. The question is: will justice follow?